Cambodian Prime Minister Accuses Thailand of Occupying Territory After Trump-Brokered Ceasefire

Renewed Tensions Along the Cambodian–Thai Border

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet has accused Thailand of continuing to occupy parts of Cambodian territory despite a ceasefire agreement brokered by U.S. President Donald Trump late last year. The ceasefire, which came into effect in December following months of deadly border clashes, remains fragile. Hun Manet has urged Thailand to allow the Joint Boundary Commission (JBC) to begin technical demarcation work to clarify disputed areas along the 508-mile border.

In remarks delivered this week in Phnom Penh, the Cambodian leader asserted that Thai troops have established barriers deep inside Cambodian territory. He claimed that shipping containers, sandbag bunkers, and lines of barbed wire now block villagers from returning to their homes.

“We still have Thai forces occupying deep into Cambodian territory in many areas. This is further beyond even Thailand’s own unilateral claim of the border line,” Hun Manet said. “This is not an accusation but a statement of facts on the ground.”

A Fragile Peace After Repeated Breakdowns

The current ceasefire follows a series of failed peace initiatives last year. An October accord signed under U.S. and Malaysian mediation collapsed within weeks, forcing a renewed round of talks in December. The late-December truce brought a temporary halt to fighting that had displaced more than 200,000 people and crippled local economies reliant on cross-border trade.

Despite progress on paper, Hun Manet insists the situation on the border remains volatile. He warned that continued occupation could reignite hostilities unless both nations return to the terms of prior boundary agreements dating back to the early 20th century.

“The only way to verify that is using the technical mechanism based on treaties and all existing agreements,” he said, referencing the 1904 and 1907 Franco-Siamese treaties that originally established the boundary. “We hope that Thailand will agree and start to allow the JBC to work as early as possible.”

Thailand’s Denial and Diplomatic Restraint

Thailand’s Ministry of Defense rejected Cambodia’s accusations, maintaining that its troops have not expanded into new territory. Defense spokesperson Rear Admiral Surasant Kongsiri stated that both sides agreed to maintain existing troop positions under the recent joint statement.

“We are adhering strictly to the ceasefire commitments. There has been no reinforcement along the frontier,” Kongsiri said.

Nevertheless, analysts warn that misunderstandings over border outposts could easily spiral into renewed confrontation. Small skirmishes at the frontier have been frequent, fueled by unclear map interpretations and nationalist sentiment in both capitals. The Thai government, which underwent political transition following its February 8 election, has cited the need to form a new cabinet before resuming JBC sessions.

Historical Roots of the Boundary Dispute

The Cambodian–Thai border dispute is deeply rooted in colonial-era cartography. Much of the contested land, particularly near Preah Vihear temple and in Oddar Meanchey province, has remained unsettled since French Indochina’s era. In 1962, the International Court of Justice ruled that Preah Vihear temple lay within Cambodian territory, but surrounding land demarcations were never fully implemented.

In the decades since, attempts to redraw or verify borders through the JBC have repeatedly stalled. Political upheavals in both countries, as well as fluctuating relations with global powers, have slowed technical progress. The last significant meeting of the JBC occurred nearly a decade ago.

The border itself holds immense strategic and cultural importance. Crossing points such as Poipet, O’Smach, and Ban Khlong Luek are major conduits for trade, tourism, and labor migration. Before the fighting, bilateral trade exceeded $10 billion annually, making Thailand one of Cambodia’s most vital partners.

Economic Fallout From the Conflict

The renewed clashes and resulting displacement have had serious economic consequences. Trade flows have dropped sharply since mid-2025, with truck convoys rerouted or halted due to military checkpoints. Agricultural exports—particularly Cambodian rice and Thai processed goods—have been disrupted, hitting local economies on both sides.

Border markets, previously bustling hubs of cross-border commerce, now sit half-empty. Thousands of informal workers have lost their livelihoods, while humanitarian agencies warn of worsening conditions in temporary camps for displaced villagers along the northern provinces of Banteay Meanchey and Oddar Meanchey.

Regional economists estimate the conflict has cost Cambodia an estimated $650 million in lost revenue and infrastructure damage since last summer. Thailand is believed to have suffered comparable losses through restricted trade and the diversion of military resources.

Shifting Geopolitics and U.S. Mediation

President Trump’s involvement in brokering the December ceasefire underscored Washington’s renewed role in Southeast Asian diplomacy. The agreement was hailed at the time as a sign of warming ties between Cambodia and the United States after years of tension over human rights and authoritarian crackdowns.

Hun Manet, a graduate of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, has emphasized the importance of rebuilding trust with Washington. He attended Trump’s Board of Peace meeting in Washington last month and praised what he described as a “constructive relationship” that could help stabilize Cambodia’s security outlook.

“Our cooperation with the United States is not one of dependence or alignment. It is one of mutual respect and shared interests,” Hun Manet said.

The Cambodian leader also addressed concerns over cyber scam networks operating from within Cambodia, stating that authorities were cracking down on the problem and drafting new laws to combat it. “Yes, they exist. Does that mean we allow or endorse them? No,” he said, pushing back against criticism that Cambodia had turned a blind eye to criminal syndicates targeting regional networks.

Balancing Relations Between the U.S. and China

Hun Manet reaffirmed Cambodia’s non-aligned foreign policy, underscoring that the country seeks strong friendships with both the U.S. and China. In recent years, Cambodia’s deepening military cooperation with Beijing—particularly through upgrades at the Ream naval base—has drawn scrutiny from Western observers. However, officials maintain that partnerships with China complement, rather than compete with, improving ties with Washington.

“As for Cambodia, to choose a relationship between China or the U.S. is not our choice. We pursue a policy of friendship with all countries,” Hun Manet said.

This balancing act reflects the geopolitical reality facing smaller Southeast Asian nations as great-power competition intensifies. Cambodia, like neighbors Laos and Myanmar, relies heavily on Chinese investment but also benefits from American trade access and defense cooperation.

Regional Comparisons and Broader Implications

Border tensions in mainland Southeast Asia are not new. Similar disputes between Thailand and Laos, as well as between Myanmar and Bangladesh, have followed comparable patterns—colonial-era boundaries, overlapping resource claims, and domestic political pressures. In each case, unresolved borders have acted as flashpoints where nationalism and economics intertwine.

Cambodia’s latest standoff with Thailand therefore resonates beyond its borders. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has called repeatedly for restraint, but regional mediation remains limited by consensus requirements and sensitivities surrounding national sovereignty.

If the JBC resumes work later this year, observers say it could mark a turning point not only for Cambodia–Thailand relations but also for ASEAN’s capacity to manage intra-bloc territorial disputes peacefully. A successful demarcation process would restore confidence in cross-border trade corridors and help revive stalled infrastructure projects, including regional railway and energy links.

A Path Toward De-escalation

Hun Manet expressed cautious optimism that Thailand’s newly elected government of Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul might provide an opening for progress. He indicated Phnom Penh’s readiness to resume dialogue “as soon as possible” once Bangkok finalizes its cabinet appointments.

“Now that the election is done, we hope Thailand can start, at least on a technical level, to begin measuring and demarcating in the hot zones so that people can return to normal life,” Hun Manet said.

Analysts suggest that confidence-building measures—such as joint patrols, coordinated demining, and cross-border humanitarian efforts—could pave the way for sustained peace. However, they caution that deep-seated mistrust, compounded by nationalist rhetoric, remains a significant barrier.

Outlook

The situation on the Cambodian–Thai border remains tense but stable for now. While no major clashes have been reported since late December, the lack of progress in implementing demarcation agreements leaves the ceasefire vulnerable. The next few months will be crucial to determining whether cautious diplomacy can succeed where previous accords have failed.

For both nations, the stakes are high: stability would allow trade and investment to rebound, while renewed conflict could isolate them regionally and economically. As Hun Manet and Anutin prepare for possible negotiations, the prospect of U.S. mediation continues to loom large—offering a potential pathway out of one of Southeast Asia’s most enduring territorial disputes.